Polity

Governor of a State: Powers and Discretion

Appointment under Articles 153-158, the full spread of executive, legislative and financial powers, discretionary powers including appointing a Chief Minister in a hung Assembly, the Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions on reforming the office, the 2025 Supreme Court dispute over a Governor withholding assent to Bills, and the Article 361 immunities.

15 min readCovers: M. Laxmikanth, Indian Polity · Governor

Syllabus Prelims: Polity and GovernanceMains GS2: Executive and Judiciary, ministries, pressure groups

Reading mode

The Governor is the constitutional head of a State, the State-level counterpart to the President, appointed by the President and holding office "during the President's pleasure." Most of the Governor's real, everyday power lies in acting on the aid and advice of the State Council of Ministers, which is exactly why the exceptions, where the Governor genuinely acts alone, are what UPSC tests.

This note covers the office end to end: appointment and qualifications, the real spread of executive, legislative and financial powers beyond ordinance-making and pardoning (Articles 213 and 161, covered fully in the companion note on the President, which also carries the fuller Article 72 versus Article 161 and Article 74 versus Article 163 comparisons), the discretionary powers the Constitution actually names, including appointing a Chief Minister when no party has a clear majority, the Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions on reforming the office, a genuinely unsettled 2025 Supreme Court dispute over a Governor sitting on Bills indefinitely, and the Article 361 immunities.

Appointment, tenure and qualifications

A handful of precise numbers and rules cover this ground:

  • Appointed by the President (Article 155); holds office during the President's pleasure (Article 156), so there is no fixed guaranteed term, though the normal tenure is 5 years.
  • Minimum age: 35 years (Article 157).
  • Must be a citizen of India, and cannot be a member of Parliament or a state legislature (must vacate that seat if elected Governor), and cannot hold any other office of profit.
  • The same person can be Governor of two or more States simultaneously, a possibility introduced by the 7th Constitutional Amendment, 1956.

A little more on how these provisions fit together:

  • Article 153 establishes the office itself, "There shall be a Governor for each State," and it is the proviso the 7th Amendment added to this very Article, not a separate provision, that actually permits one person to hold the office in more than one State.
  • Article 154 vests the State's executive power in the Governor, exercised either directly or through officers subordinate, a near-mirror of how Article 53 vests the Union's executive power in the President.
  • Article 156 also covers the exit routes: a Governor can resign by writing to the President, and, having no fixed term, can be removed at any time simply by the President's pleasure lapsing, with none of the impeachment machinery Article 61 builds for a President.
  • Article 158 sets the conditions of office: no membership of Parliament or a State legislature, no other office of profit, use of official residences without payment of rent, and emoluments and allowances fixed by Parliament that cannot be reduced during the term. Where one person governs two or more States, Article 158(3A) has the President apportion those emoluments between the States.

Executive, legislative and financial powers

Ordinance-making under Article 213 and the pardoning power under Article 161 are only two entries on a much longer list; both are covered fully in the companion note on the President, alongside their Article 123 and Article 72 counterparts. The Governor's day-to-day office carries a genuine spread of functions across all three arms of government, almost all exercised, like the President's, on the binding aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.

Executive powers: appoints the Chief Minister (directly where one party or alliance has a clear majority, in discretion otherwise, covered below) and, on the Chief Minister's advice, the other State Ministers; appoints the Advocate General for the State (Article 165), who holds office at the Governor's pleasure and advises the State government on legal matters; appoints the State Election Commissioner (Article 243K), who conducts elections to Panchayats and Municipalities; and, every five years, constitutes a fresh State Finance Commission (Article 243-I) to recommend how tax proceeds are divided between the State and its local bodies. By long-standing convention rather than an express constitutional provision, a Governor also typically serves as Chancellor of the State's public universities, a role that has itself become a live source of Centre-State friction in several States in recent years. Article 167 separately requires the Chief Minister to keep the Governor informed of Cabinet decisions on the administration of State affairs and of legislative proposals, whenever the Governor calls for that information.

Legislative powers: the Governor is formally a part of the State Legislature (Article 168), even without sitting in either House; summons and prorogues the Legislative Assembly (and Council, where one exists), and can dissolve the Assembly; addresses the Legislature at the first session after a general election and the first session of each year (Article 176); and, in States with a Legislative Council, nominates one-sixth of its members from persons with special knowledge or practical experience in literature, science, art, the cooperative movement or social service (Article 171). Bills passed by the Legislature are presented to the Governor under Article 200, where the real choice, and its own recent controversy, lives (below).

Financial powers: a Money Bill cannot be introduced in the State Legislature without the Governor's prior recommendation (Article 207), mirroring the President's role under Article 117; the Contingency Fund of the State (Article 267(2)) is placed at the Governor's disposal for urgent, unforeseen expenditure; and the State's Annual Financial Statement is laid before the Legislature in the Governor's name.

Discretion is real, but narrower than it sounds

Article 163 explicitly provides that the Governor "shall exercise their functions... except in so far as they are... required to act in their discretion", so discretionary power is not an invented convention. It is written into the Constitution. In practice, this discretion is exercised in a limited set of situations: reserving a Bill for the President's consideration, recommending President's Rule under Article 356, and (in some States) matters specific to that State's special provisions.

What discretion does not mean

It is a common trap to read "discretion" as "unlimited personal choice." It isn't. Even where the Governor acts in discretion, courts have held that the decision must still be reasonable and not arbitrary, and in most of the Governor's day-to-day functioning, the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers is binding, exactly as it is for the President under Article 74.

Appointing the Chief Minister: the discretion with no fixed rulebook

Appointing the Chief Minister is technically an Article 164 function (the Governor appoints the Chief Minister, and the other Ministers on their advice), and in the ordinary case, a single party or a pre-declared alliance winning a clear Assembly majority, it involves no real choice at all: the Governor simply invites that leader. Genuine discretion shows up in three recurring situations:

  • a hung Assembly, where no single party or pre-poll alliance has a clear majority on its own;
  • the sitting Chief Minister dies or resigns without an obvious successor commanding the same support; or
  • a Chief Minister loses a floor test but does not resign, leaving the Governor to decide what happens next.

Neither the Constitution nor any single statute lays down a fixed order for who gets the first invitation in a hung Assembly. The convention that has developed, and that the Punchhi Commission later tried to codify into clearer guidelines (below), broadly runs: the largest pre-poll alliance first, then the single largest party, then the largest post-poll coalition able to demonstrate support, with the invited leader required to prove a majority on the floor of the House within a fixed period rather than at the Governor's own satisfaction. Because there is no bright-line rule, exactly this discretion, who gets called first when the arithmetic is unclear, has produced some of the most politically contested gubernatorial decisions in recent State elections.

Reserving a State Bill

A Governor can reserve a State Bill for the President's consideration instead of assenting to it directly. Once reserved, the President's decision on that Bill is made, like nearly all Presidential functions, on the aid and advice of the Union Council of Ministers, not as an independent personal choice by the President either.

The Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions on reforming the office

Two Centre-State relations commissions have examined the Governor's office in real depth, and both zeroed in on the same two worries: who gets appointed, and how far discretion actually stretches in practice.

The first Commission on Centre-State Relations, set up in June 1983 under Justice Ranjit Singh Sarkaria and reporting in 1988 with 247 recommendations, urged that a Governor be an eminent person from outside the State, someone without recent, active involvement in State politics, so the office reads as neutral rather than as an extension of whichever party runs the Centre. On discretion, it took the position that a Governor should not act against the advice of the Council of Ministers merely because of policy disagreement, and that reserving Bills for the President under Article 200 should stay the exception, not routine practice.

The second Commission on Centre-State Relations, chaired by Justice Madan Mohan Punchhi and running from 2007 to its 2010 report, went further on the appointment question: it proposed a committee of the Prime Minister, the Union Home Minister, the Lok Sabha Speaker and the concerned Chief Minister to select Governors, rather than the appointment being effectively the Union Council of Ministers' own choice. On discretion, the Commission read Article 163 as narrow by design, requiring any discretionary act to be reasonable, in good faith and confined to genuine constitutional necessity, and it proposed a clearer, fixed order of precedence for Chief Minister invitations in a hung Assembly, broadly the sequence described above, precisely to shrink the room for a Governor's own political judgement.

Neither Commission's recommendations are binding law: Governor appointments still run on the Union Council of Ministers' advice alone, and no legislation has adopted either Commission's selection committee.

When a Governor sits on a Bill: the 2025 Tamil Nadu dispute

Article 200 gives the Governor exactly three choices on a Bill passed by the State Legislature: assent, withhold assent (returning it with a message, if it is not a Money Bill), or reserve it for the President's consideration. What Article 200 does not spell out is a deadline, and that gap produced a genuinely live constitutional fight in 2025.

In The State of Tamil Nadu v The Governor of Tamil Nadu (2025), decided on 8 April 2025, the Supreme Court found that Tamil Nadu's Governor had kept ten Bills pending for years, neither assenting to them nor returning them, and had then, after the Legislature repassed some of them unchanged, reserved those very Bills for the President instead, a route the Court held Article 200 does not permit at that stage. The Court called the conduct illegal, read "as soon as possible" in Article 200 as importing real time limits (broadly a month where the Governor acts on ministerial advice, three months where acting against it, and a month for a repassed Bill), and used its Article 142 power to treat the pending Bills as having received assent.

That was not the end of it. On 13 May 2025, the President referred fourteen questions on the Governor's and President's powers under Articles 200 and 201 to the Supreme Court under Article 143, and a five-judge Constitution Bench answered on 20 November 2025 in In re: Assent, Withholding or Reservation of Bills by the Governor and the President of India. That opinion pulled back from the strict April timelines and from treating delay as automatically producing "deemed assent," holding that courts cannot write fixed deadlines into Article 200's own words, while still leaving room for a court to direct a decision where inaction is prolonged, unexplained and effectively indefinite. The result is a genuinely unsettled area: the core principle that a Governor cannot sit on a Bill forever survives, but the precise mechanism for enforcing it is still being worked out.

Article 361: the immunity every Governor enjoys

Three protections worth knowing precisely:

  1. The Governor is not answerable to any court for the exercise of the powers and duties of the office.
  2. No criminal proceedings can be instituted or continued against a sitting Governor.
  3. The Governor has freedom of speech and immunity from proceedings for anything said while addressing or exercising powers in the State Legislature.

These immunities exist to let the Governor function without the threat of personal legal harassment, but they are not blanket immunity from all accountability; civil proceedings related to the Governor's personal acts (not official functions) can still be pursued, typically after giving two months' notice.

That personal immunity is narrower than it first looks in one more important way: it protects the Governor as a person from being hauled into court, not the constitutional validity of the Governor's own official act from being examined at all. In Rameshwar Prasad v Union of India (2006), the Supreme Court struck down the 2005 dissolution of the Bihar Legislative Assembly, recommended by Governor Buta Singh over alleged horse-trading, as unconstitutional and outside what Article 356 permits, even though Buta Singh's own Article 361 immunity meant he personally could not be sued or prosecuted over that recommendation. The lesson: immunity of the office-holder and judicial review of the act itself are two separate questions, and the second survives even where the first applies in full.

Fifth Schedule areas: a narrower role than commonly assumed

The Governor has "special responsibility" for the administration of Fifth Schedule (Scheduled/tribal) areas and can make regulations for their peace and good governance. This does not mean the State loses all executive power over these areas, and it does not give the Union a free-standing power to simply take over administration of a Fifth Schedule area at will, the State continues to administer these areas, under the Governor's oversight.

Governor vs President: the comparison UPSC likes

Both are nominal, constitutional heads bound by ministerial advice for most functions, but the parallel is not exact:

PresidentGovernor
Advice of Council of MinistersBinding (Article 74), with a limited power to send it back once for reconsiderationBinding (Article 163), except where discretion is explicitly provided
Explicit discretion in the ConstitutionNot carved out the same wayArticle 163 explicitly reserves discretionary situations
RemovalImpeachment, a defined process (Article 61)Serves "during the President's pleasure," no fixed impeachment process

This asymmetry, the Governor having a constitutionally named discretion in a way the President does not, is the single most tested distinction between the two offices.

In depth (Mains GS2)

Governor's discretion is a genuinely recurring UPSC Mains GS2 theme, not just a Prelims trap, precisely because the real-world controversies keep producing fresh material: delayed assent to state Bills, contested gubernatorial calls in hung assemblies over which party gets first chance to form government, and disputes over a Governor's power to act on the Council of Ministers' advice versus acting alone. Recent papers have asked candidates to engage with this from more than one angle, questions probing the legislative side of a Governor's discretion (ordinance-related powers and the conditions that make their exercise legitimate) and questions probing the relationship between the Governor and the elected State Legislature more broadly.

The analytical thread worth building an answer around: the Governor's Article 163 discretion exists as a genuine constitutional safety valve (for situations the elected government cannot itself decide, like who gets the first opportunity to prove a majority), but it has repeatedly been read by courts as not a licence for the Governor to substitute their own political judgement for the will of an elected legislature. That tension, a real, named discretion that is nonetheless bound by reasonableness and constitutional propriety, is what nearly every Mains question on this topic is actually testing, more than a request to just list Article 163's provisions. Pair this with the Centre-State relations material for the fuller federalism picture UPSC often wants.

Quick revision points

  • Appointed by the President (Art 155); minimum age 35; normal term 5 years, but serves "during the President's pleasure."
  • Article 153 (one Governor per State, 7th Amendment proviso allows one person to hold it for two or more States) and Article 154 (executive power vested in the Governor) sit alongside Articles 155-158 on appointment, resignation, removal and conditions of office.
  • Executive powers beyond ordinance-making and pardoning: appoints the Advocate General (Art 165), the State Election Commissioner (Art 243K), and a fresh State Finance Commission every five years (Art 243-I); by convention, usually Chancellor of the State's universities too.
  • Legislative powers: part of the Legislature (Art 168), summons/prorogues/ dissolves the Assembly, addresses it under Art 176, nominates one-sixth of a Legislative Council under Art 171.
  • Financial powers: Money Bills need the Governor's prior recommendation (Art 207); the Contingency Fund of the State (Art 267(2)) sits at the Governor's disposal.
  • Article 163 explicitly names discretionary situations; discretion is not unlimited, decisions must still be reasonable.
  • Appointing the Chief Minister in a hung Assembly, or after a Chief Minister dies, resigns or loses a floor test without resigning, is a real, recurring discretionary situation with no fixed constitutional rulebook.
  • Sarkaria Commission (1983-88): Governor should be an eminent outsider to the State. Punchhi Commission (2007-2010): proposed a selection committee and a fixed Chief Minister invitation order. Neither is binding law.
  • State of Tamil Nadu v Governor of Tamil Nadu (2025): indefinite withholding of assent to Bills held illegal; the later Article 143 advisory opinion (November 2025) walked back the strict timelines while keeping the principle against indefinite inaction.
  • Article 361: no court answerability, no criminal proceedings while in office, and speech immunity in the Legislature, but this protects the Governor personally, not the act itself from judicial review (Rameshwar Prasad, 2006).
  • The Governor's explicit constitutional discretion (Art 163) is the key asymmetry with the President.

Once the numbers, the powers survey and the discretion/immunity distinctions are clear, practise the statement-based questions UPSC builds around them.

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